Human Facial Expression (eBook)
369 Seiten
Elsevier Science (Verlag)
978-1-4832-8851-2 (ISBN)
Approx.369 pagesApprox.369 pages
DARWIN’S ANTI-DARWINISM IN EXPRESSION OF THE EMOTIONS IN MAN AND ANIMALS
Publisher Summary
This chapter reviews Darwin’s study of facial expressions in his Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals, 1872. Much of the Expressions volume consists of a cataloging of display movements that show resemblances across species; this was done to collaborate his views that continuity in bodily movements and gestures of humans was a characteristic shared with other species. Darwin proposed that expressions were either accidents of nervous system wiring—direct actions—or vestiges of old habits. The vestigial habits were the behavioral equivalents of the rudimentary, atrophied, or aborted organs, he had cited as evidence for natural selection and against arguments from special creation or directed evolution. He contested that facial expressions did not express emotion; communicative function was restricted to those faces where they were deployed willfully. They simply accompanied emotion by force of habit. Thus, Darwin proposed mutadis mutandis in the context of facial expression. Darwin’s strategy of demonstrating nonadaptive nature of expressions succeeded at the cost of forsaking an intrinsic communicative role for facial expressions qua expressions.
I want, anyhow, to upset Sir C. Bell’s view … that certain muscles have been given to man solely that he may reveal to other men his feelings.
—Charles Darwin to Alfred Russel Wallace, 1867
The formal evolutionary1 treatment of facial display began with Charles Darwin’s Expression of the emotions in man and animals (1872). Darwin sought evidence for continuity of humans with nonhuman primates and nonprimates. Although perplexed by the apparent uniqueness of language, he found evidence for continuity in bodily movements and gestures that humans shared with, for example, dogs, cats, monkeys, and apes (see Premack, 1985, for discussion of implications of human language for the continuity view). Much of the Expressions volume consists of a cataloging of display movements that show resemblances across species.
Darwin also sent questionnaires to various observers around the world. He wanted to ascertain whether peoples of different cultures made the same expressive movements in similar circumstances. For Darwin, cross-cultural communalities in displays would suggest — but not prove — shared phylogeny, thereby corroborating an evolutionary account of display behavior. These anecdotal data indeed suggested communalities in several expressions, although a century passed before these observations were tested with any rigor. I discuss the cross-cultural evidence on facial expressions later.
Because Darwin triumphed in explaining evolution via natural selection, his writing about human facial expression certified the field and rescued it from its prior association with a discredited physiognomy (e.g., that of Lavater). In fact, Darwin’s continuity views on facial expressions were accepted by most of his contemporaries, including the psychologist Romanes (1883, 1888) and the neurologist Sigmund Freud (see Sulloway, 1979). In America, they were promulgated by the evolutionist James Mark Baldwin (1895, 1896) and psychologists William James (1890) and G. Stanley Hall (1914).
Although the emotion field benefited by invoking Darwin, it nonetheless misinterpreted his emotional account of expression. I now discuss the reasons for, and the ramifications of, this misinterpretation. I present three points:
1. Expression was not a dispassionate evolutionary work, but a tactical blow against creationist accounts of facial expression.
2. Darwin is typically thought to have proposed that expressions evolved for the communication of emotion.2 In fact, his conclusion was precisely the opposite. Darwin’s mechanisms of expression furthered his anticreationist program by demonstrating that most displays were not evolutionary adaptations, but vestiges or accidents.
3. Darwin’s nonadaptationist stance on expressions precluded him from maintaining that expressions had been selected for communication. Thus, Darwin’s account in Expression has been largely abandoned in modern conceptions of the evolution and function of animal signals, covered in this volume. Theories of faces and emotions that derived from Expression became atavisms that neglected the social nature of human faces and their place in everyday interaction.
HOW AND WHY DARWIN WROTE EXPRESSION
The Writing of Expression
Darwin’s Expression is typically considered apart from its unique relationship to his other work, specifically Origin of Species and Descent of Man (hereafter, Origin and Descent). This renders the intent of Expression “largely unintelligible” (Ghiselin, 1969). And “intent” is apt. Darwin hagiography depicts him as the quintessentially dispassionate observer who, with British reserve, came to develop his theories after years and even decades of collecting facts (e.g., De Beer, 1963). To the contrary, he formulated his mechanisms of expression before collecting data on expressions (Gruber, 1974). As La Vergata (1985) stated, “Darwin students today generally agree that Darwin’s theory was constructed, not discovered” (p. 934).3 The key to understanding Expression, then, lay (naturally) in its origins.
Darwin’s interest in expressions was always minor, and he referred to it as a “hobby-horse.” His thinking on the subject was first aroused in 1826, when as a medical student at Edinburgh, he heard fellow student W. A. Browne present a materialist attack on Sir Charles Bell’s Essays on the Anatomy of Expression in Painting (Bell, 1806; hereafter, Anatomy; see Bowlby, 1990; and Gruber, 1974).4 Bell’s views, it turned out, became Darwin’s eventual focus of attack in Expression. Darwin began observing expressions in 1838, when he watched a cousin’s newborn. He also started making regular trips to the London Zoo, conducting informal experiments on each trip, such as holding up a mirror to a monkey, or offering it a nut and withdrawing it; making a face to an orangutan (M notebook, p. 107; in Barrett, Gautrey, Herbert, Kohn, & Smith, 1987, p. 545; and Gruber, 1974, p. 321). He soon began a longitudinal project, assiduously recording the expressions of his firstborn, William; his notes were eventually condensed and published (Darwin, 1877). As he reminisced in 1876:
My first child was born on December 27th, 1839, and I at once commenced to make notes on the first dawn of the various expressions which he exhibited, for I felt convinced, even at this early period, that the most complex and fine shades of expression must all have had a gradual and natural origin. During the summer of the following year, 1840,5 I read Sir C. Bell’s admirable work on expression, and this greatly increased my interest in the subject, though I could not at all agree with his belief that the various muscles had been specially created for the sake of expression. From this time forward I occasionally attended to the subject, both with respect to man and our domesticated animals. (Darwin, 1887, Vol. 1, pp. 76–77)6
Although Darwin began taking notes on expression in 1838, he did not begin to assemble them until 1867. Even then the topic was a minor concern. He was vexed by another problem, the operation of sexual selection and its relations to natural selection. This issue was central to the book he was planning on human evolution.
Darwin’s comparatively small investment in expressions can be gathered from an 1867 letter to the codiscoverer of natural selection, Alfred Russel Wallace:
The subject is in no way an important one; it is simply a ’hobby-horse’ with me, about twenty-seven years old; and after thinking that I would write an essay on man, it flashed on me that I could work in some ’supplemental remarks on expression.’ (Darwin, 1887, Vol. 2, p. 278)
Darwin’s treatment of sexual selection was published in 1871 as the iconoclastically titled The Descent of Man (1871). It carried Origin to its logical (but not the ological) conclusion that humans, like other animals, were products of evolution by natural selection; races of humans, in turn, derived from sexual selection. He intended his notes on expression to comprise a single chapter in Descent, but they proved too numerous. Moreover, he began to believe that his accumulated observations on expressive similarities across human cultures, and spanning humans and nonhumans, could independently corroborate the thrust of Descent. He therefore placed only a few mentions of expression in Descent, reserving the bulk for a separate volume, which became Expression.7 As Desmond and Moore (1991) described it, “the...
Erscheint lt. Verlag | 27.3.2014 |
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Sprache | englisch |
Themenwelt | Geisteswissenschaften ► Psychologie ► Allgemeine Psychologie |
Geisteswissenschaften ► Psychologie ► Biopsychologie / Neurowissenschaften | |
Geisteswissenschaften ► Psychologie ► Sozialpsychologie | |
Geisteswissenschaften ► Psychologie ► Verhaltenstherapie | |
Recht / Steuern ► Privatrecht / Bürgerliches Recht ► Zivilverfahrensrecht | |
Sozialwissenschaften ► Politik / Verwaltung | |
ISBN-10 | 1-4832-8851-X / 148328851X |
ISBN-13 | 978-1-4832-8851-2 / 9781483288512 |
Informationen gemäß Produktsicherheitsverordnung (GPSR) | |
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