Ci, Gender and Social Change among the Asmat of Papua, Indonesia

Onesius Otenieli Daeli is an ordained Roman Catholic priest and a member of the Order of the Holy Cross (Ordo Sanctae Crucis), born in Nias, North Sumatera, Indonesia. He spent more than five years (2002 – 2008) among the Asmat people. He was participating in many aspects of the Asmat life, including rituals, traditional feasts, rural economy, and politics. He published a book of religion in Asmat in 2006 entitled Ketika Salib Diarak (Lifting up on the Cross) (Sangkris Press, Bandung-Indonesia). He wrote some articles, personal experiences, and short stories about Asmat and its culture. In January 2012 to May 2012 conducted a fieldwork among di Asmat for the sake of his study in Cultural Anthropology. He graduated his Ph.D in Anthropology in the University of the Philippines – Diliman, Quezon City, Metro Manila, Philippines (2013). He studied Philosophy and Theology in Parahyangan Catholic University, Bandung, Indonesia. He lives in Bandung with some major responsibilities such as Lecturer in Parahyangan Catholic University (Unpar), Bandung, Indonesia; Head of Centre for Philosophy, Culture, and Religious Studies (CPCReS) of the Faculty of Philosophy of Unpar; Former Rector of Scholastics Program of The Order of the Holy Cross (OSC), Sang Kristus Province, Indonesia; and Chaplin of the Catholic University Students Church of the Diocese of Bandung, Indonesia.

Foreword

Acknowledgments

Table of contents

List of illustrations

List of acronyms

Introduction

 

I. Asmat: an exotic and nostalgic world

1.1 The ci: an Asmat’s habitus

1.2 Back to Asmat with new eyes

1.3 Learning to know, learning to preserve

1.4 Story from the field

1.5 Scope and limitations

1.6 Analytical framework used

 

II. The ci: a significant key to understand Asmat

2.1 Select literature on the Asmat

2.2 The ci: the Asmat canoe

2.3 Gender power relations

 

III. The Asmat: a never ending surprise

3.1 Asmat: a pregnant swamp of natural resources

3.2 Asmat in Papua province of Indonesia

3.3 Asmat: a region that contains no stone

3.4 Asmat art: an anamnesis

3.5 Defining the Asmat people

3.6 Asmat: people of the tree

3.7 Warfare and headhunting practices

3.8 Some impressions about kinship

3.9 Mission “touch”

 

IV. Physical dimension of the ci

4.1 The ci material

4.2 Understanding the ci through its sections

4.3 Types of ci

4.3.1 Pakanam ci

4.3.2 Jicap ci or pakman ci

4.4 Interpretations of the carvings of the ci

4.5 Bottomless ci

4.6 Po: the Asmat oar

 

V. Social dimension of the ci

5.1 The sociality of the ci

5.2 Cisi-ipits – ci maker

5.3 The ci owned by the family

5.4 The ci triggers conflicts among the Asmat

5.5 The dynamics of ci cimen and ci ep

5.6 Rowing the ci

5.7 Social dimension of the jicap ci

5.8 Social dimension of wuramon

5.9 Ci as an expression of art

5.10 The ci: symbol of masculinity

5.11 The ci: a dominant symbol of gender identity

 

VI. Spiritual dimension of the ci

6.1 Naming the ci

6.2 A distinct ci: wuramon

VII. Economic dimension of the ci

7.1 Ci opak, jis opak – no ci, no firewood

7.2 Ci for men, jouse for women

7.3 Power over dusun

7.4 Do not call him bitni

7.5 One family in one ci

7.6 The ci: a key for Asmat economy and festive activity

 

VIII. Continuity and discontinuity in Asmat society

8.1 Social change

8.2 Water transportation is still needed

8.3 Pes (ironwood) and ci nak (ci tree) are in danger

8.4 The changed meaning and function of ritual

8.5 Carving: not because of inspiration, but because of order

8.6 Money-oriented mentality

8.7 Asmat nak – the real people

8.8 New style of hunting and gathering

8.9 The changed concept of gender

8.10 Urbanization: dusun and village unmaintained

8.11 Marginalization of the Asmat in many aspects

 

IX. Reflection and conclusion

9.1 Reflections as a priest and as researcher in the field

9.2 Advantages

9.3 Disadvantages

9.4 Conclusion

9.5 For future research

 

Bibliography

Glossary of terms