Complex Sentences, Grammaticalization, Typology (eBook)

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Philip Baldi, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania,
USA; Pierluigi Cuzzolin, Bergamo University, Italy.

Acknowledgments 5
List of abbreviations 29
Epilegomena 35
1. Retrospective 35
2. Volume 4 39
Adverbial subordination: Introductory overview 45
1. Introduction 45
2. The concept of subordination: Adverbial phrases and studies of relations 45
3. Treatment of adverbial clauses 46
3.1. Purpose and result 47
3.2. Conditionals and concessives 48
3.3. Causals 49
3.4. Temporals 50
3.5. Comparatives 51
Purpose and result clauses 53
1. Introduction: Clarification of previous concepts and methodologies 53
2. Function and possible syntactic structures 55
2.1. Vt + subjunctive 57
2.2. Non-finite forms 60
2.3. Relative connector-clause 64
2.3.1. Generic relative in purpose clauses 64
2.3.2. Quo 66
2.3.3. The relative pronoun as an introductory element for result clauses 67
3. The semantic level 69
3.1. Characterizing semantic features 69
3.2. Analysis of the characterizing features 70
3.2.1. Possibility and Factuality 71
3.2.2. Control, intentionality, animacy, and prospectivity 75
3.2.3. The semantic value of the governing verb 80
3.3. Some related semantic relations 83
3.3.1. ‘Conditionals’ 83
3.3.2. Comparative-Modal clauses 84
3.3.3. Causal clauses 86
3.4. Continuum in/between semantic relations 88
3.5. Recapitulation of semantic features 89
4. The syntactic level 90
4.1. Syntactic status 91
4.2. Analysis of (formal) features with syntactic implications 96
4.2.1. Correlation 96
4.2.2. First element of the correlation 98
4.2.3. Introductory element 101
4.2.4. Nominalization 107
4.2.5. Polarity 108
4.2.6. Verb tense 110
4.3. The syntactic function and the level of integration 115
References 119
Conditionals and concessives 127
1. Conditionals 127
1.1. Preliminary remarks 127
1.1.1. Paratactic conditionals 128
1.1.2. The origin of conditional clauses 131
1.1.3. Condensed conditions 133
1.2. Types of conditional clauses 135
1.2.1. The first type: Objectivity 135
1.2.2. The second type: Possibility 138
1.2.3. The third type: Unreality 139
1.3. Some historical considerations 142
1.4. Conditional perfection 145
1.4.1. Necessary and sufficient conditions 146
1.5. Exclusive nisi and exceptive nisi 148
1.5.1. Exclusive nisi 149
1.5.2. Exceptive nisi 149
1.5.3. Nisi and si non 152
1.5.4. Other negative conditional conjunctions: ni, si minus, sin 155
1.6. Speech act conditions 159
1.7. Complex conditional connectives 161
1.7.1. Speech act conditions introduced by si modo 161
1.7.2. Si modo as a true condition 162
1.7.3. Si tamen 163
1.7.4. Si quidem 167
1.8. The relationship between condition and cause 169
1.9. Epistemic conditionals 171
2. Concessive clauses 173
2.1. Preliminary remarks 173
2.2. True concessives 177
2.2.1. Quamquam 178
2.2.2. Etsi 180
2.2.3. Tametsi 184
2.2.4. Tamenetsi 185
2.3. The rectifying function of quamquam, etsi, and tametsi 187
2.4. Concessive conditionals 190
2.4.1. Quamuis 190
2.4.2. Etiamsi (etiam si) 195
2.5. Contextual concessivity 198
2.5.1. Si-clauses 198
2.5.2. The exclusive disjunction siue ... siue ‘whether ... or not’ 199
2.5.3. The type quisquis est ‘whoever it may be’ 201
2.5.4. Cum-clauses 202
2.5.5. Vt-clauses 204
2.6. Concession in paratactic and coordinate structures 206
2.6.1. The correlative type quidem... sed (tamen) 207
2.6.2. Concessive subjunctive 209
2.7. Licet 212
2.8. The concessive subordinators in Late Latin 215
References 217
Causal clauses 229
1. Causality and adverbial clauses 229
2. Two semantic types of causal clauses 231
3. Types of causal conjunctions in Latin 235
4. Processes of grammaticalization of the Latin causal conjunctions 238
4.1. Primary causal conjunctions 238
4.1.1. The conjunction quod 238
4.1.2. The conjunctions quia, cur, quare 240
4.2. Causal conjunctions with a temporal origin 242
4.2.1. Quoniam, quando, dum 243
4.2.2. Cum, ubi, postquam 245
4.3. Causal conjunctions with origins in manner 246
4.4. Causal conjunctions, finals, and quantifiers 248
5. Distributional properties of quod-quia vs. quoniam 249
5.1. Possibilities of coordination 250
5.2. Answer to a causal interrogative 251
5.3. Use of correlatives 251
5.4. Quod and quia as complementizers 252
5.5. Focalization 254
5.6. Scope of illocutionary force and of negation 255
5.7. Use of the subjunctive 256
5.8. The consecutio temporum 257
5.9. Word order 258
6. Diachronic interferences and changes 260
6.1. Quia instead of quoniam 260
6.2. Quoniam instead of quia 261
6.3. Quod and eo quod, pro eo quod, pro quod 262
Temporal clauses 269
1. Time and the temporal clause 269
1.1. The basic concept of time and the temporal clause 269
1.2. Semantic and pragmatic extensions of temporal clauses 272
1.3. Temporal clauses and clause-linking 275
1.3.1. Hierarchization 275
1.3.2. Desententialization and tense/mood 279
1.3.3. Desententialization and aspect 282
2. The time network in Latin 287
3. Temporal subordinators 293
3.1. Morphology and multifunctionality 294
3.2. Categories of diachronic input 296
3.2.1. Simple subordinators 297
3.2.1.1. Subordinators that derive from the relative 297
3.2.1.2. Dum 300
3.2.1.3. Simplicity 302
3.2.2. Complex subordinators 302
3.2.2.1. Postquam 302
3.2.2.2. Comparative constructions 303
3.2.2.3. Ex quo 306
3.3. Between Old Latin and Classical Latin: cum + subjunctive 307
3.3.1. The subjunctive in the relative clause 309
3.3.2. From relative clause to cum causale/historicum 315
3.4. The subordinators in Late Latin 320
4. Time location 328
4.1. Simultaneity overlap, anteriority, immediate anteriority 328
4.1.1. Semantics 328
4.1.2. Expression formats 330
4.1.2.1. SIOVER 331
4.1.2.2. ANTE 334
4.1.2.3. IMANTE 336
4.1.2.4. Temporal distance 338
4.2. Discourse functions 339
4.2.1. The cum historicum 341
4.2.2. Cum relativum and cum inversum 345
4.3. The cum historicum as “general subordinator” 348
4.4. Posteriority 353
4.4.1. Semantics 353
4.4.2. Expression formats 355
4.4.2.1. Clause position 355
4.4.2.2. Tense/aspect 356
4.4.2.3. Modality 358
5. Contingency 361
5.1. Semantics 361
5.1.1. Types of situational plurality 361
5.1.2. CONTING as a special case of situational plurality 363
5.1.3. The plurality continuum of iterative clauses 364
5.2. Expression formats 365
5.2.1. Subordinators 366
5.2.2. Tense and aspect 368
6. Time extent 371
6.1. Co-extensiveness and terminus ad quem 371
6.1.1. Semantics 372
6.1.2. Expression formats 375
6.1.2.1. Dum 378
6.1.2.2. Donec 381
6.1.2.3. Quoad 383
6.2. Terminus a quo 385
6.2.1. Semantics 385
6.2.2. Expression formats 386
7. Conclusion 390
7.1. Network-external relations 390
7.2. Temporal subordinators and network-internal relationships 391
Comparative clauses 407
1. Introduction 407
2. Comparative clauses of Degree 408
2.1. Definition and constituent parts 408
2.2. The comparee and the comparative predicate 410
2.3. The standard 412
2.4. The degree marker and the standard marker 416
2.4.1. Comparatives of inequality: Superiority and inferiority 416
2.4.2. Comparative constructions of equality, or equative constructions 422
2.5. Lexical comparison 425
2.6. Pseudo-comparative structures 426
2.7. Syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic status of comparative clauses of Degree 429
3. Comparative clauses of Manner 433
3.1. Definition and constituent parts 433
3.1.1. The comparee, the parameter, and the parameter marker 434
3.1.2. The standard and the standard marker 436
3.2. Functions of comparative clauses of Manner 442
3.2.1. Representational level 443
3.2.2. Interpersonal level 446
3.3. Syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic status of comparative clauses of Manner 453
References 454
Relative clauses 461
1. Definition and structure of the relative clause 461
1.1. Status quaestionis 461
1.2. Definition of relative clauses 462
1.2.1. Typological definitions 462
1.2.2. Structure of Latin relative clauses 463
1.3. Relative pronouns and relative adverbs 463
1.3.1. Types of relative pronouns and relative adverbs 463
1.3.2. Functions of relative pronouns 464
1.3.3. Etymology of relative pronouns 464
1.4. Relative clauses with a finite verb 466
1.4.1. Subjunctive by attractio modi 468
1.4.2. Subjunctive with a nonspecific value 470
1.4.3. The subjunctive in adverbial relative clauses 472
1.5. Relative clauses without a finite verb 475
1.5.1. Participles and relative clauses 477
2. Phenomenology of the pivot in the matrix clause and semantics of the relative clauses 482
2.1. Lexical head 486
2.1.1. Semantics of external-headed relative clauses 487
2.2. Pronominal and free relative clauses 489
2.2.1. Pronominal relative clauses 491
2.2.2. Free relative clauses 493
2.2.3. Syntactic status of free relative clauses 494
2.2.4. Semantics of free, pronominal, and internal-headed relative clauses 496
2.3. Relation between the pivot and the relative pronoun 498
2.3.1. Attractio inversa 502
2.3.2. Attractio relativi 506
3. Relative clause typology 507
3.1. Relativization operations 508
3.1.1. Subordination 508
3.1.2. Attribution 511
3.1.3. Empty-place formation 512
3.2. Accessibility hierarchy 513
3.2.1. The concept of an accessibility hierarchy 514
3.2.2. The accessibility hierarchy and Latin relative clauses 515
3.3. Relativization strategies 517
3.3.1. Nonreduction Strategy 519
3.3.2. Resumptive Pronoun Strategy 520
3.3.3. Relative Pronoun Strategy 521
3.3.4. Gap Strategy 522
3.3.5. Concurrence of strategies 523
3.3.6. Participle Strategy 523
3.4. Position of relative clauses 526
4. Relative clause typology in Latin 528
4.1. Preposed relative clauses 528
4.2. Prenominal relative clauses 533
4.3. Postposed relative clauses 536
4.3.1. Relative connection 539
4.4. Postnominal relative clauses 543
4.5. Circumnominal relative clauses 545
5. Evolution of the relative clause 549
5.1. An evolutionary hypothesis 552
5.1.1. Genesis of the correlative clause 553
5.1.2. Development of other types of relative clauses 556
5.1.3. Development of free relative clauses and relative clauses with a pronominal head 560
5.1.4. Genesis of different relativization strategies 561
5.2. Early Latin 563
5.3. Classical and post-Classical Latin 566
5.4. Late Latin 569
Comparative and superlative 583
1. Basic concepts 584
1.1. The structure of the gradation patterns 584
1.2. The structure of the basic comparative pattern 588
1.2.1. The elements of comparison 588
1.2.2. The interplay between morphology and syntax 593
1.3. The various comparative patterns 594
1.3.1. Sapir’s analysis of gradation 596
1.3.2. Comparison of majority 600
1.3.3. Comparison of equality 601
1.3.4. Comparison of minority 601
1.4. Superlative 602
1.5. Some terminological questions 608
2. A typological survey of the comparative constructions 608
2.1. The comparative 610
2.2. The typological patterns 611
2.3. The cognitive bases of the comparative patterns 613
2.3.1. The separative comparative and the particle comparative: A contrastive analysis 614
2.3.2. The conjoined comparative 617
2.3.3. The surpass (exceed) comparative 618
2.3.4. Concluding remarks on the typology of the comparatives 619
2.3.5. Comparatives of equality and minority 621
2.4. The typology of the superlative 621
3. Historical syntax of comparison from Proto-Indo-European to Latin 623
3.1. The scenario in Proto-Indo-European 623
3.1.1. Comparative 623
3.1.1.1. The morphological tools for comparison: Their form and function 626
3.1.1.2. The lexical tools for comparison: Their form and function 631
3.2. The syntax of comparison in Latin 635
3.2.1. The various patterns of comparison in Latin 635
3.2.2. Origin and function of the ablative of comparison 637
3.2.3. Origin and function of quam as pivot 639
3.2.4. Other minor prepositional patterns 640
3.3. The patterns of comparison in Latin 641
3.3.1. Conjoined comparative 641
3.3.2. Separative comparative 642
3.3.2.1. Genitive 645
3.3.2.2. Dative 649
3.3.2.3. Prepositional phrases 651
3.3.3. Particle comparative 660
3.3.4. Surpass comparative 662
3.3.4.1. The decay of the surpass comparative 666
3.4. Comparative of minority 667
3.4.1. Comparative of minority encoded by sub- 671
3.5. Comparative of equality 672
3.6. Superlative 674
3.6.1. The morphology of the superlative 674
3.6.2. The absolute superlative 675
3.6.2.1. Intensifiers with the superlative 676
3.6.2.2. The absolute superlative encoded by prefixes: Per- and prae- 677
3.6.2.3. The superlative reinforced by quam 680
3.6.3. The encoding of the standard 680
3.6.3.1. The standard in the genitive 680
3.6.4. The standard with e, ex plus ablative 681
3.6.4.1. The standard introduced by inter, ante, and praeter 683
3.7. Superlative of minority 685
4. Concluding remarks 686
Grammaticalization in Latin 695
1. Basic concepts 695
1.1. Grammaticalization as a general process 695
1.2. Grammaticalization vs. other phenomena 696
1.2.1. Agglutination 697
1.2.2. Lexicalization (freezing) and lexemization 698
1.2.3. Demotivation and reanalysis 699
1.2.4. Analogy 701
1.3. The different kinds of process referred to as grammaticalization 703
1.4. Grammatical lexemes in Latin 704
1.4.1. Frequency 706
1.4.2. Morphological features 707
1.5. The relationships between grammaticalization, agglutination, and lexicalization 708
1.5.1. Co-occurrence and interaction between grammaticalization, agglutination, and lexicalization 708
1.5.1.1. Agglutination and lexicalization at the same time 709
1.5.1.2. Agglutination and the creation of new lexical items 710
1.5.2. Grammaticalization occurring without agglutination 711
2. Methodological considerations 712
2.1. Latin and grammaticalization: Fertile ground 712
2.2. Grammaticalization according to Meillet 713
2.2.1. The creation of the words grammaticalisation, se grammaticaliser 713
2.2.2. Meillet’s Latin examples 714
2.2.3. Conclusion on Meillet’s interpretation 717
2.3. Grammaticalization after Meillet 718
2.4. Degrammaticalization 719
2.5. The extension and the limits of grammaticalization 720
2.6. Reconstructed and attested data synchronic variations721
2.7. A new look at grammaticalization in the light of the Latin texts 722
3. The most frequent grammaticalization processes 723
3.1. The starting point 723
3.1.1. Freezing of an inflected form 723
3.1.1.1. Freezing of the inflected form of a noun 723
3.1.1.2. Freezing of the inflected form of an adjective: From adjective to adverb 725
3.1.1.3. Freezing of the inflected form of a participle: From participle to adverb or preposition 726
3.1.1.4. Freezing of the inflected personal form of a verb 728
3.1.1.5. Freezing of the *kwo- / *kwi- pronouns into a relative, interrogative, or indefinite adverb 728
3.1.2. Agglutination of several words and freezing 730
3.1.2.1. Transcategorization of a nominal syntagm 730
3.1.2.2. Transcategorization of a prepositional syntagm 730
3.1.2.3. Transcategorization of a verbal syntagm 730
3.1.2.4. The directional adverbs in ...o-uersus 731
3.1.2.5. Agglutination of several uninflected elements 731
3.2. The arrival point 732
3.3. The degree of “grammaticalization” and morpholexical status 732
3.3.1. From a lexical to a grammatical element 733
3.3.2. From a grammatical to a more grammatical element 735
3.4. Semantic change 736
3.4.1. Partial or total desemanticization 736
3.4.2. Loss of semantic features in a noun, noun phrase, or adverb 738
3.4.3. Loss of semantic features in a suffix 739
3.4.4. Suppletion 739
3.4.5. Pragmaticization of adverbs 740
3.5. Other cases of grammaticalization 740
4. Negation and grammaticalization in Latin 741
4.1. The French standard negation ne ... pas 741
4.2. The Latin negations non, nihil, nemo 742
4.2.1. Origin of non 743
4.2.2. Origin of nihil 744
4.2.3. The origin of nemo 746
4.3. The origin of the negative bound morpheme (prefix) ne-/n- 747
4.3.1. The stages in the grammaticalization chain 747
4.3.2. From grammatical lexeme to grammatical bound morpheme 748
4.3.3. Demotivation cases involving ne... /n 749
4.4. The prohibitive negation ne 750
4.4.1. First stage of grammaticalization: Transcategorization as a subordinator 750
4.4.2. Second stage of grammaticalization for ne as a subordinator 750
4.4.3. From imperative to prohibitive negation 751
4.5. Transcategorization of a negation into a subordinator: nei > ni ‘if... not’
4.6. The archaic negation haud 753
4.7. Merging of a postposed negation into an interrogative, coordinator, subordinator 754
4.7.1. Quin...? and quidni...? 754
4.7.2. Quo-minus 755
4.8. From lexical lexeme to negation 756
4.9. Lexicalization of a sequence containing two negations 756
4.10. Cycles of negation 757
5. Endophors and deictics 757
5.1. Personal pronouns and grammaticalization 757
5.1.1. The reflexive pronoun se 757
5.1.2. The subject constituent 758
5.2. Endophoric and deictic lexemes (pronouns, adjectives, adverbs): is, hic, iste, ille, ipse 760
5.2.1. The degree of grammaticalization in Latin texts 760
5.2.1.1. Toward the Romance definite article 760
5.2.1.2. Toward the indefinite singular article 761
5.2.1.3. Rhythm and scale of the grammaticalization processes 767
5.2.2. Grammaticalization and the endophoric-deictic lexemes 767
5.2.3. Pronouns and enclitic particles 768
5.2.4. Hic and grammaticalization 769
5.2.5. Ille and grammaticalization 769
5.2.5.1. Deictic functions of ille 769
5.2.5.2. Ille as an endophoric operator 771
5.2.6. Iste and grammaticalization 772
5.2.7. Endophoric is (ea, id) and grammaticalization 774
5.2.8. Grammaticalization and ipse 778
5.2.9. Conclusion: The existence of a specific group of grammatical lexemes 781
5.3. Grammaticalization of particles postposed to deictics and endophors 782
5.3.1. The enclitic particle -pse 782
5.3.2. Grammaticalization and idem 783
5.3.3. The deictic particle -ce 784
5.3.3.1. The deictic “adverb” ecce 784
5.3.3.2. The enclitic particle -ce 785
5.3.4. The particle -met 786
5.3.5. The particle -te 787
5.3.6. The particle -pte 789
5.3.7. Conclusion 790
6. Grammaticalization and the formation of the verbal paradigm in Latin 791
6.1. Paradigmatization 791
6.1.1. Verbal periphrasis before the first Latin texts 792
6.1.2. The origins of reflexive verbs in the Romance languages 794
6.2. Transcategorization: From the nominal to the verbal form 795
6.3. The formation of the Latin infinitives 796
6.3.1. Grammaticalization of process nouns: From a nominal to a verbal paradigm 796
6.3.2. Locative and dative infinitives 796
6.4. The supine: From a nominal inflected free form to a verbal frozen grammaticalized form 797
6.4.1. Ambiguity in the intermediate stages between noun and verb 798
6.4.1.1. An “ablative supine”? 798
6.4.1.2. Ambiguous cases with the -tum supine 800
6.4.2. Supine and grammaticalization 802
6.4.2.1. Grammaticalization in the emergence of the supine 802
6.4.2.2. A different case: the -tio nouns 802
6.4.2.3. A vanishing category 804
6.5. Grammaticalization in the formation of the future passive infinitive in ... tum iri (datum iri) 805
6.6. Decrease of the verbal paradigm: The opposite of paradigmatization 807
6.6.1. Neutralization of the opposition active vs. passive in the present infinitive 807
6.6.2. Neutralization of the oppositions in Latin participles The emergence of a past active participle808
6.6.2.1. Neutralization of the feature “passive” in the -tus, -a, -um participle 809
6.6.2.2. Neutralization of the aspecto-temporal properties of the present active participle 810
6.7. Conclusion 811
7. Auxiliarization 812
7.1. Grammaticalization of ire ‘go’ 812
7.2. Semantic weakening of the verb coepi (+ infin.) 813
7.3. The modal verb uolo ‘want’ 815
7.4. The evolution of facio 816
7.4.1. Full morphologization in Sanskrit 816
7.4.2. Latin: a lexicalized element 816
7.4.3. The causative morpheme fac- and its allomorphs -fic- / -fec- 817
7.4.4. Desemantization of facere: A hyperonym 819
7.5. Semantic weakening of habeo in Latin 820
7.5.1. Lat. habeo + *-to- 822
7.5.1.1. The criteria for full grammaticalization of habeo + past passive participle in *-to- 822
7.5.1.2. Development of the construction “‘have’ + past passive participle” in the Romance languages 824
7.5.1.3. The uses and development of “habeo + past passive participle” in Latin 827
7.5.1.4. Conclusion 833
7.5.2. Habeo + infinitive 834
7.5.2.1. The origin of the construction “habeo + infinitive” 834
7.5.2.2. The formation of the future tense in Romance languages 834
7.5.2.3. Sense of “habeo + infinitive” in Latin 835
7.5.2.4. “Habeo + infinitive” in the Itinerarium Egeriae: A minor construction for necessity 835
7.5.2.5. “Habeo + infinitive” in Christian authors: A prophetic future 837
7.5.2.6. Early occurrences in some Romance languages 842
7.5.2.7. Grammaticalization and the Latin future: From analytic to synthetic periphrasis in cyclic renewal 844
8. Grammaticalization and modal verbs and adverbs 845
8.1. Licet as a subordinator 845
8.1.1. Specifics of the grammaticalization process 846
8.1.2. The progressive development of licet 847
8.1.3. Methodological considerations 849
8.1.4. Origin 850
8.2. The illocutionary adverbs scilicet, uidelicet, ilicet 851
8.2.1. Scilicet 852
8.2.1.1. The full expression “scire licet + subordinate clause” 852
8.2.1.2. The main verb “scilicet + subordinate clause” 852
8.2.1.3. Scilicet as an illocutionary adverb 854
8.2.2. Videlicet 855
8.2.3. Ilicet 857
8.2.3.1. Two verbs in a free syntagm 857
8.2.3.2. Ilicet as a main verb governing a subordinate clause 858
8.2.3.3. Ilicet as a complete utterance by itself 858
8.2.4. Origin of sci-, uide-, i-licet 859
8.2.4.1. An infinitive origin 859
8.2.4.2. An imperative origin? 859
8.2.4.3. Conclusion 860
8.3. The formation of indefinite pronouns, adjectives, and adverbs 861
8.4. The formation of concessive subordinators 862
8.5. The origin and evolution of modal verbs 864
8.6. Origin of licet 865
8.7. The origin of necesse est 866
8.8. Agglutination and downgrading: possum, potest 867
8.8.1. Reanalysis 867
8.8.2. Semantic evolution 868
8.8.3. From a personal to an impersonal verb 868
8.9. A semantic development from a concrete social situation to modality: debeo 869
8.10. Queo ‘can, be able’ and ne-queo ‘not be able’ 869
8.11. The illocutionary adverb nimirum 870
8.12. The modal adverb forsitan ‘perhaps’ 870
8.13. Conclusion 871
9. Grammaticalization and the formation of quantifiers 871
9.1. Grammaticalization of a noun as a quantifier 871
9.1.1. A noun denoting a body part 871
9.1.2. An inanimate noun denoting a small quantity 872
9.2. Grammaticalization of a prefix as a quasi-negative morpheme 874
9.3. Grammaticalization of a lexical or semi-lexical axiological (evaluative) adverb 875
9.3.1. The adverb ualde: An intensive morpheme 875
9.3.2. The adverb bene: From axiological (evaluative) adverb to quantifier 876
9.3.3. The adverb male: A progressive grammaticalization 877
10. Conclusions 879
10.1. Grammaticalization: A slow process in along diachrony 879
10.2. Absence of congruence for the various criteria 880
10.3. Cyclic renewal 880
10.4. A preference given to morphologization and downgrading 881
10.5. Other cases of grammaticalization 882
References 882
Syntactic change in the history of Latin: Do new perspectives lead to new results? 899
1. Introduction 899
2. Determinants of syntactic change 900
2.1. Structural processes 901
2.2. Typological factors 901
2.3. Functional factors 902
2.4. Pragmatic factors 902
3. “Drift” 903
3.1. Nominal constituents 904
3.1.1. Word order 904
3.1.1.1. Facts about word order 905
3.1.1.2. Myths about word order 905
3.1.1.3. Discussion 906
3.1.2. Phonetic erosion of case-endings 909
3.1.3. Prepositional usage 910
3.1.4. From postposition to preposition 912
3.1.5. The development of definite and indefinite articles 913
3.2. Verbal constituents 914
3.2.1. The development of periphrastic auxiliaries 914
3.2.1.1. The perfect 915
3.2.1.2. The future 916
3.2.2. Discussion 917
3.3. Clausal constituents 918
3.3.1. Comparison 918
3.3.2. Complementation 920
4. Explanations and generalizations 923
References 924
Subject index 929
Index of classical references 937